Localizing in New Guinea and Acquiring Australian Nationality

By TETSU ICHIKAWA *

* Tetsu Ichikawa, a research fellow at Tokyo University of Foreign Studies

World War II and the consequent Japanese military administration in this region had a serious impact on Chinese society in New Guinea. In 1942, Japanese military forces attacked New Guinea and occupied parts of it. After the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, the Australian government evacuated their women and children from New Guinea. However, Chinese women and children were not included as they were “regarded as being in the same category as locals”.

Under the Japanese military administration the Chinese in New Guinea provided forced labor for the Japanese army and resided in concentration camps. During the war, most of the Chinese in New Guinea were not protected by the Australian colonial administration because of their nationality. After the war New Guinea was returned to Australian rule by which time the
Chinese community was transformed. First, Chinese in New Guinea ceased to have contact with China. Prior to the outbreak of war, Chinese had kept contact in many ways with Hong Kong and mainland China, especially Canton.

Many Chinese used to send their children to China for their education. This is because in New Guinea, Chinese students attended primary schools operated by missionary organizations which provided only basic education; one needed to go abroad for higher education.

Those China-educated students brought back to New Guinea what is known as “Chinese culture,” which included Chinese language, poem, calligraphy, martial art, traditional beliefs and religions, etc.. Those returned students used to play an important role in maintaining Chinese ethnic identity among the Chinese communities in New Guinea. This contact with China weakened dramatically after the onset of war which made it impossible for Chinese in New Guinea to contact their relatives in China.

The situation did not improve during the civil war between the Chinese Nationalists and the Chinese Communists which started almost immediately after World War II. It was not until the Communists established the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 1949 that Chinese in New Guinea could make contact with relatives in China again. But it was not easy to visit or send their children to China. Australia did not establish diplomatic relations with PRC until 1971. Some New Guinean Chinese continued to maintain contact with Chinese societies in Hong Kong, Singapore and Malaysia, but not China.

The second change, which was the result of the first, was that the relationship with Australia became strong. After Japan surrendered in 1945, the Australian army stayed on in Rabaul. Some Chinese began to do business with the Australians. Also, many Chinese started to send their children to Australia in the 1950s when the Australian government began subsidizing the education of New Guinean Chinese students in Australia. The number of the Chinese students going to Australia for higher education gradually increased.

In the late 1950s, Australia began allowing Chinese to obtain Australian citizenship. After this, most of the Chinese in New Guinea acquired Australian citizenship and the number of those who spoke English increased. As a result, Chinese society in New Guinea began to have a closer relationship with Australia. This Australia-oriented tendency was accelerated by the independence of PNG in 1975. As independence became imminent, Chinese in New Guinea had to decide whether to stay in PNG as foreigners, or to apply for PNG citizenship.

It also became clear that after independence, their business would be restricted in several respects, arising from the issue of the right of land-ownership and eligibility to obtain license for running stores. At the same time, they had fears of persecution by the local people. They knew that Asians were being oppressed in some newly independent nations, such as Indonesia and some African states, and they were afraid the same might happen in PNG.

Although such ethnic conflict or racial riots did not happen during the period of independence, many Chinese chose to leave PNG, mostly for Australia. The number of Chinese migrating to Australia began to increase even before PNG became independent. During the colonial period, most of the Chinese had established their business as storekeepers or wholesalers and some were doing business in shipping, trading, running plantations and so on. Those Chinese who had finished their education came back to New Guinea to do their business.

But as the independence of PNG was getting close, some of them decided to stay on in Australia even after they had finished their education. As such, the children remained in Australia, while their parents resided in PNG. As the business situation in PNG worsened with the weakening of the kina, the currency of PNG, and the rising crime rate in PNG, these Chinese children in Australia persuaded their aging parents to join them in Australia. While considering that possibility, these members of the older generation invested in properties in Australia and prepared for migration. They became Australia-oriented in making plans for their old age.

The Arrival of Chinese New Comers in the Global Context since 1975

While Chinese migration to Australia has continued after independence, there are other kinds of Chinese immigrants who come to contemporary PNG. These Chinese new comers have increased in number since independence, especially in the 1980s. They have also changed the character of Chinese society in PNG. Both the arrival of the new immigrants and the consequent change in the PNG Chinese community has been influenced by the transnational Chinese migration in the Asia-Pacific region.

The contemporary transformation of the Chinese community in PNG should thus be examined in the global context of Chinese migration. Unlike the old comers, the new comers are from diverse places of origin. While the former came mainly from China, especially the Siyi area in Guangdong province, the New comers consist of ethnic Chinese from East and Southeast Asian countries such as Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia, the territories of Hong Kong, Taiwan and PRC.

Even the mainland Chinese immigrants come not only from Guangdong but also various parts of China like Beijing, Shanghai, Fujian, etc.. The diversity of the new comers has made the structure of the PNG Chinese population more complex. The pattern of immigration has also changed. There are many ethnic Chinese employees of East and Southeast Asian companies operating in PNG. The old comers’ immigration to New Guinea was characterized by chain migration based on kinship and locality.

During the colonial period most of the old comers were single male laborers. After establishing their livelihood, they brought their families or other villagers to New Guinea. The family was the main economic unit in that period. On the other hand, many new comers arrive in PNG as company workers and after their contracts run out, they may return home or stay and start their business in PNG. These New comers’ migration movements are affected more by the transnational activities of the companies than kinship and locality.

For a consideration of the feature of the New arrivals, this paper examines the migration of Malaysian Chinese in this area. The transnational activities of Malaysian companies have played a crucial role in drawing Malaysian Chinese to PNG. Malaysia has long established its timber industries in developing the resources of its tropical rainforest. In particular in Sabah and Sarawak, the two Malaysian states in Borneo, forestry is a major industry.

However, the activities of the timber industries have brought environmental problems. Deforestation has practically destroyed the rainforest while the demand for timber in the international market has increased. Especially after the 1990s, the price of wood has risen as the amount of log export from Sabah and Sarawak has decreased. As the environmental problem worsens and the costs of operation rise, it has become difficult for the timber industries to rely only on Malaysia; there is the need to seek alternative logging sites.

Some Malaysian logging companies have started operating abroad. After the 1990s, the number of timber companies operating in other Southeast Asian countries and Oceania has risen noticeably. The problem of environmental protection and the need for alternate timber resources have become transnational issues spilling over the borders of Malaysia. As about 80 percent of PNG is covered in rain forest, and forestry is one of the country’s main industries, it is the prime destination for Malaysian timber companies.

Other foreign companies from Japan, South Korea and Australia are also engaged in logging and sawing in PNG, but Malaysian companies have played a crucial role. One of the Malaysian logging companies, Rimbunan Hijau, is estimated to be in control of over 60 percent of PNG’s log export in the 1990s. The arrival of Malaysian timber companies in PNG has boosted the immigration of Malaysian Chinese in this country. Most of the Malaysian Chinese workers in the timber industries were already engaged in logging in Malaysia and most of the Malaysian companies are owned by ethnic Chinese.

Other Malaysian companies, besides the timber companies, have also brought Chinese workers to PNG, such as those in the print media industry. National is a daily newspaper which has been published since 1993; its owner is the same as that of Rimbunan Hijau. Although the readership of National is smaller than that of Post Courier, another daily newspaper in PNG, it is obvious that Malaysian capital has significant influence in the print media according to David Robie.

As the number of Malaysian companies in PNG increases, the Malaysian Business Council was established in 1992 by about 500 Malaysian companies at the capital city, Port Moresby. Maybank, one of the Malaysian banks, also has a branch in Port Moresby to cater to the financial demands of Malaysian companies operating in PNG. Just like the Malaysian timber companies, they bring Chinese workers who make up the biggest component of the Malaysian Chinese community in PNG.

Because these Malaysian Chinese have arrived in PNG recently, they have different characteristics from other Chinese in PNG, especially the local born Chinese. One of the Malaysian Chinese characteristics is in relation to where they live. The local born Chinese have mainly lived in cities, towns or plantations since the colonial period, mostly in the northern part of New Guinea, such as Rabaul and Kavieng where they have established their own communities, and Chinatowns in some cities.

Malaysian Chinese, on the other hand, live not only in cities and towns, but also in remote areas such as the rainforest. Whereas the old comers have not resided in some provinces, such as Western and Sandaun, there are Malaysian Chinese who live and engage in logging or other businesses there. Besides the Malaysian Chinese whose main business is timber, there are ethnic Chinese from other countries who run other kinds of business.

The mainland Chinese, for example, have come to PNG as employees or workers of the agents of the PRC government which has various aid projects in PNG. Most of the new arrivals from PRC do not have kinship ties with the local born Chinese, and do not have relations with the emigrant villages from where the old comers originate. After immigrating to PNG as employees of foreign companies, some of them begin their own businesses. There are some Chinese entrepreneurs who bring their relatives or friends from their own countries to assist in their new businesses.

Thus there is also chain migration from the East and Southeast Asian countries to PNG. Those New Chinese entrepreneurs have to acquire business visas to start their own businesses, when their original contracts run out. Some Chinese arrive in PNG on tourist visas. Most, though not all, of the Chinese new arrivals have legal status. Thus, with the arrival of the new Chinese from various Asian countries, the population of the ethnic Chinese in post-independence PNG has not seen a decrease in spite of the emigration of the Chinese old comers to Australia.

Chinese practices of Settling in Papua New Guinea

Unlike the cities of ex-German New Guinea, Port Moresby does not have a Chinatown or traditional Chinese associations, such as regional and clan associations. There are several reasons for this. The history of the ethnic Chinese in Port Moresby is relatively short and the size of the community is also small. It may also be difficult for the Chinese to establish an association because there is much diversity among the recent Chinese immigrants and they are dispersed in their localities.

There are no traditional Chinese associations in the other cities either. After the independence of PNG, many Chinese left for Australia and their traditional associations disappeared as the number of the Chinese old comers decreased. On the other hand, recent Chinese immigrants in PNG have established other kinds of associations and groups, and led their community activities.

Those Chinese gather, for instance, in clubs, religious institutions and restaurants owned by Chinese. They gather in these places instead of traditional associations, make contacts and network with each other. For instance, some Chinese in PNG now join the Lions Club or other kinds of clubs for socialization purposes. It is common to see Chinese get together in Chinese restaurants in particular on weekends and exchange information relating to their interests such as business opportunities in PNG.

Chinese restaurants are important not only as places to do business in but also venues for socialization and communication purposes. To understand the characteristics of the ethnic Chinese community in PNG, this paper takes a look at the only Buddhist temple in PNG, the PNG Manjusri Buddhist Centre, hereafter, the Buddhist Centre. It is a branch of a Taiwanese Buddhist group, Fo Guang Shan (Buddha’s Light International Association). The Buddhist Centre is located in the Gordon area in Port Moresby.

Although it is a Buddhist temple, its appearance is not typically Buddhist. It has a hall and adjacent buildings which look like ordinary residential buildings. So it is not easy to recognize it as a Chinese religious building at a glance. This is an industrial area and there are foreign companies, including the Malaysian and other ethnic Chinese ones. The Buddhist Centre was established in 1994 by Malaysian Chinese who were increasing in number in PNG; they collected the donations for the Centre.

In 1996, they asked a Buddhist association in Taiwan to send a Buddhist priest. A Malaysian Chinese nun who once studied Buddhism in Taiwan was sent instead, to officiate regularly at Buddhist ceremonies and activities for the Malaysian Chinese community. She and some volunteers also take up the administrative duties at the Buddhist Centre which is sustained by donations from Chinese followers. The nun and the followers hold Buddhist rituals every Sunday, and every first and fifteenth of the month of the lunar calendar when the nun conducts sutra reciting and gives sermons. Bigger and more comprehensive ceremonies are held on special days.

Special rituals are held on special days of the Chinese lunar calendar, such as chunjie (Chinese New Year) on the first day of the first month, guanyin shengdan (birthday of the goddess of mercy) on the nineteenth day of the second month, fodan ji (birthday of the Buddha) on the eighth day of the fourth month, guanyin chujia jinian ri (day of the goddess of mercy’s going into religion) on the nineteenth day of the sixth month, dizang fahui (ceremony for Dizang Bodhisattva) on the fifteenth day of the seventh month, guanyin chengdao ri, (the day of goddess of mercy’s attaining Buddhahood) on the nineteenth day of the ninth month, and fuotuo chengdao ri, (day of Shakyamuni’s attaining Buddha hood) on the eighth day of the twelfth month.

In those special days the Centre invites guests who include not only Chinese but also people from other ethnic groups such as Papua New Guineans and Australians. These non-ethnic Chinese participants are invited by the Chinese followers of the Centre. For example, there were about 50 participants in a special rite of dizang Bodhisattva in the eighth month of 1999. Ancestor tablets were placed in front of the statue of Buddha and the participants prayed to them. The peoples whose names were written on the tablets did not die in PNG, and participants prayed to their souls from a foreign land.

On these special days, some companies owned by Malaysian Chinese in Port Moresby donate to the Buddhist Centre. Although the owners and workers of these Malaysian companies do not participate in the activities regularly, they keep in touch with the Buddhist Centre on these special occasions. The character of the gathering in the Buddhist Centre is influenced by the language used by the participants. The Centre does not impose any restrictions on followers’ participation, but as chanting and sermons are conducted in Mandarin, it is hard for those who do not understand Mandarin to join in the activities.

Other than that, there are no barriers to participation in the activities. The Buddhist Centre plays an important role as a center for Mandarin speakers in Port Moresby. As a branch of a Buddhist association in Taiwan, it often makes contact with the headquarters in Taiwan and its branches in Australia; the officials also pay visits to one another. However the participants of the Centre are not necessarily regular believers of this Buddhist association and it doesn’t eagerly propagate Buddhism. Rather the participants are enthusiastic about the volunteer activities and the parties held on the premises.

It also provides Chinese –language classes for the children while their parents participate in Buddhist ceremonies. Some of the participants in fact do not visit the Centre for religious reasons. One Malaysian Chinese woman says that she does not have anything to do on Sundays because PNG is a Christian country and all the shops and facilities are closed. So she comes to the Buddhist Centre to socialize with her friends. Some other Chinese from Malaysia and mainland China say that they did not visit temples regularly when they were in their mother countries but started visiting the Centre after arriving in PNG.

It is reasonable to regard the establishment of the Buddhist Centre as evidence of progress in the Chinese effort to settle in PNG. The Chinese make use of the non-religious activities held at the Centre to construct their networks and educate their children. The fact that some Chinese start participating in the Centre activities after arriving in PNG means the Centre has modified its religious nature and acquired New significance for the immigrant community, in a different context and environment.

There is another Chinese association in contemporary Port Moresby. The Cathay Club plays the role of a node for many Chinese settlers in that city. The Cathay Club was established by the local born Chinese in the 1960s. It has some buildings for organizing activities for the community, and as such is a place for socialization and amusement for the Chinese in Port Moresby. Although the Cathay Club was set up by the local Chinese, the members now include Chinese new comers and native Papua New Guineans. The main activities are sport and games, such as snookers, ball games, swimming and hiking. Besides these activities, the lion dance is practiced and performed on the premises of the Cathay Club by the Chinese New comers. The business practice of the ethnic Chinese can also be seen as a strategy to settle in PNG.

Doing business is the main aim of the newly arrived Chinese immigrants

To protect the PNG national economy, the government has established the Investment Promotion Authority (IPA) with a view to promoting and controlling foreign investment. While the IPA gives license to foreign companies to do business, it at the same time prohibits foreign participation in certain businesses which are instituted as “reserved business.” Only PNG nationals can engage in the reserved business which also keeps out Chinese workers.

Chinese who wish to go into “reserved business” often have to resort to strategic practices to circumvent the regulations. Such practices include registering the name of a PNG national as a company director, while the management is in Chinese hands, and starting a new business by transferring the business license to another person to avoid the difficult procedure of acquiring a new license, etc.. By using these strategies, some Chinese have established their business and community in PNG.

Chinese businesses in PNG do not confine themselves to the Chinese community. They build good relations with the Papua New Guineans; customers of Chinese supermarkets, retail shops and restaurants are mostly members of the local society. There are other kinds of businesses which are conducted within the Chinese community. Some shops sell Chinese religious goods, like paper money, incense and statues of Chinese deities and Buddha, and Chinese medicines.

There are also video rental shops providing video tapes and VCD of Hong Kong and Taiwanese TV programs and movies. Some shops sell Chinese food and ingredients and deliver them to restaurants, supermarkets and individual Chinese homes. These businesses do not necessarily exclude non- Chinese customers as anyone can buy the commodities and use the services.

Nevertheless, as these goods and services are closely related to the Chinese way of life, there are few non- Chinese customers, and such ethnic businesses are mainly done within the Chinese community. Also those Chinese who engage in ethnic businesses import the commodities from overseas, for example, religious goods from Malaysia and foodstuff from PRC and Malaysia.

The development of Chinese ethnic businesses in PNG is accompanied by the building of transnational networks with other ethnic Chinese societies overseas. Running such ethnic businesses for Chinese residents also means that the Chinese immigrants are gradually establishing a permanent community in present day PNG. The most significant evidence of progress in the settlement process of the Chinese may be seen in the acquisition of PNG nationality.

The reasons for acquiring nationality will differ from person to person. But the most common one is to avoid the restrictions on doing business so that one does not have to do business as a foreigner in PNG. This is especially so for Chinese who have plans to do business in the longer term in the country. There are other Chinese who wish to become naturalized and settle permanently in PNG. One Chinese man from Indonesia says he got PNG nationality after he had lived in Port Moresby for over 10 years. He is now operating a trade store in Port Moresby and doesn’t want to return to Indonesia because he is afraid of the frequent occurrence of persecution of the ethnic Chinese there.

Although Chinese immigrants in PNG with similar thinking are still in the minority, it is possible to say that more Chinese now look upon settling permanently in PNG as an acceptable option. Some Chinese also mention the lifestyle in PNG as the main reason for staying, especially in small towns like Kokopo and Rabaul. One Malaysian Chinese man says that life in PNG is “easy going” and gives him less pressure, unlike in Malaysia.

Another man from PRC living in Kokopo says that he enjoys his life there because there is less competition and the working hours are shorter. The Australian influence in doing business in PNG can be felt in the way PNG companies and government offices observe certain rules governing the working conditions. Chinese immigrants can enjoy the relatively short working hours and the assured holidays. However, it has been found in many countries that acquiring local nationality does not always lead to permanent settlement.

It is possible that some Chinese holding PNG nationality may re-migrate to other countries. Those Chinese who already have, or wish to have PNG nationality may want to live in PNG permanently. But because of unavoidable or unforeseen circumstances, some of them will leave. There are not only practices of settlement, but also practices of migration in the PNG Chinese community. Together, the two constitute the dynamics of the survival strategy of the Chinese in PNG.

Immigration and Emigration of the Chinese in Papua New Guinea

There are two directions in the movement of the Chinese in PNG: one from East and Southeast Asian countries to PNG, and the other from PNG to other countries in Oceania, such as Australia, New Zealand, and Guam, etc.. Also, Chinese immigrants in PNG frequently return to their countries of origin and come back to PNG again. This type of circular migration characterizes the Chinese strategy and practice in this region.

One attraction for the Chinese immigrants to PNG is that there are economic opportunities for foreigners. Before contact was established with Westerners who imposed colonial rule, New Guinea had not developed a market economy. New Guinean people had conducted trade based on traditional exchange networks, but not commercial activities based on a modern money economy. Throughout the colonial period, the commercial sector of the economy in New Guinea was dominated by Westerners like German and Australian merchants and firms.

The Chinese pioneers in New Guinea were plantation workers and artisans, who became small traders and managers of plantations, and played a role as middlemen in transactions between articulate locals and Europeans. The economical niches for foreigners still exist in the post-colonial era. Even after independence, there are still areas in the economy which are not well- developed. Australian merchants, firms and capital have left PNG since independence. Their departure has left open the economic niches once dominated by them.

Independence has also brought about a shortage of talent and administrative personnel such as officers and clerks. These are some of the reasons why immigrants are drawn from Asia including Chinese New comers. As a matter of fact, some of the Chinese entrepreneurs say that PNG offers a lot of opportunities for business and that it is easier to start new businesses in PNG than in their countries of origin. One Chinese man from PRC says starting new businesses in China is harder because the competition is fierce there.

He agrees that doing business in PNG is not so easy because of the existence of certain barriers such as “reserved business” and the lack of a safe environment, but he can start his own business and does not have to work under others. Indeed, some of the Chinese entrepreneurs who have succeeded in establishing their own businesses in PNG would agree with him. The value of the kina, the PNG currency, was at one time the other attractive factor for the Chinese to come to work in this country.

Many Chinese interviewed who live or once lived in PNG mention that profit can be made from the exchange rate of the currency. The PNG government set a high exchange rate for the kina to protect the national economy. Until the early 1990s, one kina was worth about US one dollar. One Malaysian Chinese, who has returned to Malaysia, told me that he could get a higher income when he worked in PNG because he was paid in kina. Not only were the wages in PNG higher than those in Malaysia, he also profited by exchanging the kina for foreign currencies.

Some of the Chinese immigrants, especially new comers, have succeeded in persuading their acquaintances and relatives to join them in PNG on the strength of the economic opportunities. As mentioned, recent Chinese immigrants consist not only of individual immigrants but also employees of East and Southeast Asian companies some of whom have resigned from their companies to start their own businesses.

The entrepreneurship of the Chinese is one of the main reason contributing to the Chinese immigration and settlement in PNG. But not every Chinese immigrant is inclined to live in PNG permanently. Some seek opportunities to leave and re-migrate to other countries. There are push factors, as well as pull factors. Social instability is one of the most serious problems in the cities, not only for the Chinese but all the inhabitants.

The influx of people into cities like Port Moresby is quite common and the population of city dwellers is rising. People from rural areas come to seek jobs and economic opportunities.
But economic development in PNG is still sluggish and there is the problem of unemployment. Although unemployment does not necessarily result in the breakdown of law and order, some unemployed city dwellers do get involved in crime and become “rascals,” the term used in PNG for those committing serious offenses like robbery and murder, and the disturbance of public order.

Chinese residents and their properties are also attacked by the rascals. An unstable environment is a deterrent to foreign investment, leading to further unemployment and a rise in the crime rate. It is a vicious circle. Such a situation has caused many Chinese living in the cities to leave PNG for other countries. Besides the problem of security, the devaluation of the kina and subsequently a depressed economy is another important push factor.

In 1994, the kina was devalued when the high exchange rate of the currency became unsustainable, leading to the fall of the kina against most foreign currencies. In 2003, one kina fell to the level of roughly US 30 cents. It was no longer possible to profit on the exchange rates. These socio-economic changes have dampened the Chinese motivation to stay in PNG. Before that, Chinese migrants had been willing to put up with the restrictions on foreigners and problems of security.

But the economic recession is a big blow to business. The lack of a safe environment has also adversely affected the Chinese in particular. Some Chinese residents are anxious about their status as members of an ethnic minority which may attract attacks or other forms of violence from rascals and political rioters. One local born Chinese man in Port Moresby describes his life as just like “doing business in jail.” Because of the frequency of robbery, most of the houses and shops in the cities are surrounded by fences or barbed wire. Some shops in Port Moresby hire security guards or keep watch dogs for protection.

The man was born in PNG and had run his own business in Port Moresby for a few decades. He decided to sell his shops after they were broken into. He also sold two of his properties and prepared to migrate to Australia. The concern at the deterioration of socio-economic conditions is shared by Chinese new comers as well. One woman from PRC working in Port Moresby is worried not only about her business, but also the possible fallout on the Chinese as an ethnic minority in the country. She is afraid that anti- Chinese movements like those in Indonesia may take place targeting the Chinese as a minority group engaged in business at a time when the PNG economy is depressed.

She could continue running her business in PNG, but says she cannot draw out a long-term plan because of those problems. The instability of the PNG economy and society has affected the Chinese life style. Some Chinese are looking for alternative places to live. They have become reluctant exiles in a sense. The Chinese in PNG have thus put both settlement and emigration strategies into practice.

In the late 1950s, Chinese old comers were allowed to acquire Australian citizenship which enabled them to go and stay in Australia. They had also tended to go to Australia for higher education in the colonial period, largely because PNG did not have enough higher educational institutions. Education was hence an important issue affecting their decisions relating to migration. In the colonial era, Chinese students would return to and work in PNG after their graduation. But this changed after PNG attained independence.

Increasing numbers of Chinese students began to stay on in Australia even after graduation. The other members of their families in PNG would go to Australia to join them. Citizenship in Australia led to the decision to migrate as a strategic practice, thus creating the transnational social space. Like the old comers, some of the new comers also have strategies of migration. The recent Chinese immigrants often go back and forth between PNG and their countries of origin.

Many Chinese new comers arrive in PNG as employees of companies, and do not necessarily come to stay permanently. They will leave the country according to the terms of their contracts, or as a result of their own decisions. The improvement in international transport also facilitates their frequent traveling out of and back to PNG. Their status as transmigrant characterizes the Chinese new comers in contemporary PNG, and enhances the mobility of the Chinese community. There are also many new comers who want to re-migrate to third countries in particular Australia, instead of going back to their countries of origin.

Some of them had intended to migrate to Australia in the first place, but came to PNG only because of its proximity to Australia; it was difficult for them to migrate to Australia directly. Others want to re-migrate to other oceanic countries such as New Zealand and Guam. For them, PNG is both a destination and a stepping stone for further migration. This type of transnational re-migration is not easy to put into practice. It involves high costs and the need for a visa.

Most of the Chinese New comers cannot go to other countries as immigrants and they have to resort to strategies of settlement, if they do not wish to return to their countries of origin. Settlement and remigration are two strategies open to them; the choice of either one is dependent on the conditions faced by the individual.

Conclusion

Since the colonial period, the migration pattern of Chinese in PNG has changed continuously. Chinese society in PNG has changed from being a community of male sojourners with hopes of going back to China, to one made up of men and women with intentions to stay for various lengths of time in the country. Intermarriage with local people, reunification with members of the family from China, and the increase of local born children made the Chinese community more settled.

However, since the eve of the independence, New socio- economic changes in PNG have made the Chinese more mobile, and once again, into sojourners. This change of the Chinese in PNG is similar to the huayi pattern of migration. The Chinese in PNG adopt practices of settlement without assimilating into local society, and also practices of frequent return to their original countries or re-migration to third countries.

In view of the fact that they consist of several sub-groups from various countries of origin, the contemporary PNG Chinese are made up of plural huayi from East and
Southeast Asian countries who have different reasons to migrate. The sojourning character of the PNG Chinese population is a consequence of these huayi’s strategic practices of settlement and migration. It is often suggested that immigrant communities have a different character from people in the homeland because of their interactions with host societies.

Although the influence of the host society is crucial, the migrants’ experiences of the immigration and emigration processes also play an important part. The strategic practices in selecting settlement or migration based on the individual’s circumstances have brought about the sojourning nature of the Chinese population in PNG. One should not assume that the sojourning status of the ethnic Chinese in contemporary PNG is inherent and static.

Their hybrid and diasporic nature is molded by the environment in which they live. The sojourning status of the ethnic Chinese of PNG should be seen as a consequence of their strategic practices. Considering the sojourning status of the ethnic Chinese enables us to seize their ambiguous status. To understand the dynamic nature of the sojourning status of the ethnic Chinese, it is necessary to look at the Chinese in PNG who react to domestic and transnational conditions in adopting strategic practices.
@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@